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Critics of discourse say that it is not real - events and objects
are real, but not thoughts or ideas.
van Dijk has tried to deal with this from the perspective of cognition
(van Dijk, 2001, pp. 108-112). In particular he proposes that we
form cognitive models of both the contexts we are in and of the
events that occur.
However, in my work, I have created an external representation
of the context. I have created a 60
webpage set of data, summarising the history of food production,
the food production companies, environmental agencies, cultural
issues around food (such as recipes, advertising) and official bodies.
Although a survey like this is always incomplete (I missed out a
page from a typical supermarket, for example), it can give an idea
of the context in which the 'players' operate. In this case the
survey was done with the aim of looking at Government policies,
and this may have influenced the way I gathered the data. Potentially,
further data could be included until all interested parties agreed
that this was a valid representation of the context of food and
farming in the UK. Admittedly, each of us reads this data and modifies
some sort of internal mental map (cognitive context), and none of
us think in an identical way. However, I think it is possible to
reach some sort of external consensus context as a working basis
for future discussions.
Returning to the cognitive approach, it is clear from van Dijk's
theories that CDA can only succeed if discourse structures can be
related to internal structures of local and global context. (though
I claim that an external consensus context is possible, the remainder
of this essay focusses on theoretical approaches to mental models
in CDA)
After commenting on mental models, ideologies, situations, aims,
and social groups and institutions, van Dijk states that these need
to be defined in explicit theories, and he provides the first fragments
of such theories. He defines two main types of model - context and
event models. He has systematised his work in a very thorough way,
and it provides very interesting background material, though I have
not used it directly here.
Wodak also gives several instances where mental models are operating
(Wodak, 2001, pp. 64-5)
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If we take politicians as a specific (and non-homogeneous)
elite, then they are best seen as |
Shapers of specific public opinions |
Seismographs
that react to the atmospheric anticipation of changes in public
opinion, and to the changing interests of specific social groups
and affected parties |
| It is likely that they fulfil these functions
through the use of mental models, plus some special antennae |
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The relationships between media, politics and
'the people' are very complex, and we cannot clearly say who
influences who, and how these influences operate. Again, this
entire process seems to involve mental models and sensitive
antennae. |
Mental models provide a range of useful tools which might allow
us to imagine the mental models of the authors of the text.
Social structures (and social models)
Fairclough has described how social practices are networked together,
constituting a social order, and dominance and hegemony operate
in these social orders. He uses a short text by Tony Blair as an
example. From this, Fairclough draws an initial conclusion that
the economic is colonising the non-economic fields (art, environment
.. ), and there is a new dominance by the new capitalism.
He points out that globalisation has a very long history, and is
more accurately seen as 'new relations between scales' rather than
a change from 'national to global'. Capitalism, globalisation, 'the
economic', art, etc. can all also be looked at as social structures.
Language and semiosis play a major role in the restructuring of
capitalism, and in particular, the idea of the new 'knowledge-based
economy' :
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knowledge is produced, circulates and is consumed
as discourses. |
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The discourses are operationalised as new ways
of acting and interacting (including new genres) |
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The discourses are inculcated as new ways of being,
new identities, new styles |
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For example, there are new ways of organising
and managing companies |
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The restructuring and rescaling of capitalism
is partly a semiotic process - restructuring and rescaling of
orders of discourse |
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This involves new structural and scalar relations
between genres, discourses and styles |
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Much of these processes also relate
to the language used in the restructuring - and perhaps neo-liberalism
is part of this too. |
Fairclough concludes that discourses are diverse representations
of social life which are inherently positioned - different social
actors see and represent social life in different ways, with different
discourses. For example, people have different social lives at work
and at home. (Fairclough, 2001, p. 123-7)
Scollon also adds (mostly adapted by me) (pp. 139-141) :-
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Social problems in our contemporary world are
inextricably linked to texts
.. Social problems are couched
in public and private discourses that shape the definition of
these problems as well as inhibiting social change. |
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Our actions are frequently accompanied by language
and, conversely, much of what we say is accompanied by action |
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The programme of CDA is founded in the idea that
the analysis of discourse opens a window on social problems
because social problems are largely constituted in discourse |
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Nevertheless, it remains problematical to this
programme to establish the links between discourses and social
actions |
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Also, there is sometimes an almost unbridgeable
gap between the discourse and the people whose social actions
are involved, e.g. with HIV, the 'official' discourse is almost
entirely disconnected from the drug users and others who suffer
from HIV, or whose behaviour means they are likely to get infected |
Once again, we have a picture of discourse that clearly affects
social structures and systems, but the way that it does this cannot
be directly ascertained.
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